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later social relationships. With this sometimes goes the attempt
to link up the school with adult life by the institution of employ-
ment bureaus, after-care committees, etc., designed to help the
young adolescent who has either finished or is soon to finish with
school to find his way to a satisfactory position in life. These
movements are still in their infancy, and have made most progress
in Britain and America ; but everything points to a considerable
development of them in all countries in the near future.

A third factor of moment in recent educational development
is the democratic view of life.   In the earlier part of the Nine-
teenth Century democracy was in the main a political idea.   It
took practical form as a protest against the aristocratic monopoly
of government and found its chief expression in the demand for
a universal suffrage.   But the progress of industrialism has led
to a broadening of the democratic ideal.   As the mechanism for
the production and distribution of goods has become more perfect,
the individual worker has found his liberties increasingly curtailed
by the conditions under which he has to work, and implicitly or
explicitly he is now beginning to ask not only for a share in the
control of government, but for a share in the management of
industry.   Behind both old and new forms of democracy is the
consciousness of individual worth.   The objection to the aristo-
cratic method of government and to the capitalistic system of
industry is that they tend to treat the great mass of men as mere
means to social well-being.  As against that, democracy insists that
every person, besides being a means to the maintenance of society,
is an end to himself.   As yet, indeed, this idea has only found a
limited application in the sphere of education.   It is to be seen
mainly in the institution of elementary schools for the whole
community, and in the gradual extension of the age of general
education.   The necessity for popular education on liberal lines,
which was first realized in Germany at the beginning of the
Nineteenth Century, is now accepted in all progressive countries.
The English statesman who remarked not long before the passing
of the Education Act of 1870, " We must now educate our
masters/' expressed quite aptly the consequence of admitting the
working-classes to political privilege. The only condition on which
a wide suffrage is conceivable is that the whole people must be
sufficiently educated to be able to vote intelligently.    But the
broad idea of democracy as based on the worth of the individual